欧洲一体化的必要性

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欧洲一体化的必要性

天之聪教育 2013-06-13 天之聪教育 414次

欧洲一体化的必要性

France should copy Germany’s reforms to thrive

The crisis affecting the euro is less a currency crisis than a crisis of European policy. Renewing structures is difficult in an EU with 27 member states and a monetary union with 17 countries. But we must change course if both the euro and the union itself are to remain sustainable.

影响欧元的危机与其说是货币危机，不如说是一场欧洲政策危机。在拥有27个成员国的欧盟(EU)和拥有17个成员国的货币联盟，推行结构改革很困难，但如果欧元和欧盟要实现可持续发展，我们就必须改弦更张。

Europe now runs at “two speeds”. A core Europe that grows together more quickly politically, and a fringe Europe wishing greater autonomy. These two regions have very different visions. There are those who imagine Europe as a political union and those who think of Europe only as a single market, while the political process should remain largely national. Europe must decide between these two positions.

欧洲现在呈“双速”运行格局。核心国家在政治上共同发展得更快，而外围国家则希望获得更大的自主权。两大地区的愿景大相径庭，一方将欧洲想象成政治联盟，一方却只把欧洲看作单一市场——至于政治进程，很大程度上应让各国各自为政。欧洲必须在这两种立场间做出选择。

The gap has widened between countries that can and wish to integrate quickly and those that want to move more slowly, such as the UK. Countries in the eurozone will integrate more than the countries that are not part of this.

一些国家能够、并且希望快速推进一体化，另一些国家则希望放慢一体化（如英国），两派阵营之间的分歧正在加深。欧元区国家的一体化程度将高于非欧元区国家。

This is principally because, to solve the basic problem of the euro, we must change the structures of European institutions. The fundamental mistake of monetary union is that there is no co-ordination of economic and financial policy in the eurozone.

产生这一局面的主要原因是，为解决欧元的基本问题，我们必须改革欧洲制度结构。货币联盟的根本错误在于，欧元区在经济金融政策方面缺乏协调。

There are also strong geopolitical reasons for greater European integration; above all the rise of rapidly industrialising countries. The US is no longer focused on Europe but rather on Asia. A multipolar world is emerging. Two poles are already clear: the US, which is and will remain the superpower; and Asia, led by China, which, I am sure, will assume a responsible international role.

加深欧洲一体化也有充分的地缘政治理由，而快速工业化国家的崛起是首要原因。美国不再主要关注欧洲，而是将注意力放在了亚洲。多极世界正在形成，其中两极已经分明显现出来：美国现在是、今后也仍将是超级大国；而我相信，以中国为首的亚洲将在国际上扮演起负责任的角色。

Between these two poles lies Europe. The case for European integration is not merely based on the question of war or peace – but on weakness or power. Only a united Europe can stand a chance in a globalised political and economic world. And our model can be a beacon and a blessing for the world: a role model for other regions, and a cornerstone of the world economy.

两极之间是欧洲。欧洲一体化的理由不仅基于战争与和平的问题，还关乎衰弱与强大的问题。在政治经济全球化的世界，欧洲只有团结起来才有希望。我们的模式可以成为世界的灯塔和福音：成为其他地区的榜样，世界经济的基石。

All of this means more not less Europe. Of course, “more Europe” needs to be defined. There are many important, proud, cultured, dynamic and varied European countries outside monetary union which make a great contribution to European politics, economics and society. The “more Europe” that I wish to see has to be rich, varied and successful enough for these countries to be fully part of.

这一切意味着要加强、而不是削弱欧洲一体化。当然，我们需要对“更加一体化的欧洲”进行定义。在欧元区之外，有不少重要、自豪、文明、活跃、多样化的欧洲国家为欧洲政治、经济和社会做出了卓越贡献。我希望看到的“更加一体化的欧洲”必须是一个富裕、多元、成功，足以让这些国家完全融入其中的欧洲。

But reform of Europe’s institutional framework is not enough. I am pleased that the direction of European economic and financial policies must move away from pure austerity and towards growth. National economies risk being strangled by strict austerity measures.

但光对欧洲制度框架进行改革还不够。我很高兴地看到，欧洲经济和金融政策的方向必须从一味的紧缩转向促增长。各国经济有被严厉紧缩措施窒息的风险。

I welcome the sensible decision by the European Commission to allow certain countries more time to meet deficit-reduction targets – but at the same time to carry on with intelligent reforms to strengthen their economies.

欧盟委员会(European Commission)为某些国家达到减赤目标留出了更长的期限——但同时必须开展睿智改革，以增强经济——我对这一明智的决定表示欢迎。

In the debate over austerity and growth, we see a return of issues of 10 years ago. At the time, the then French president Jacques Chirac and I worked together to reform the European stability and growth pact. This reform did not weaken the criteria for budget deficits but gave more flexibility to a set of rules that was too rigid.

在关于紧缩和增长的论战中，我们发现10年前的问题重新浮出水面。当时，我与法国时任总统雅克•希拉克(Jacques Chirac)曾携手合作，推动改革欧洲《稳定与增长条约》(stability and growth pact)。这一改革并未弱化预算赤字的标准，但赋予了一套过于严格的规则更大的灵活性。

When the Commission gives countries such as France more time to meet the deficit criteria, this is comparable to the situation in Germany at the time of the Agenda 2010 reforms that I introduced in 2003-05. Without the pact’s reform, it would have been politically impossible to save billions of euros through budgetary cuts, and at the same time implement difficult and controversial labour market and social security reforms.

欧盟委员会为法国等国家放宽赤字达标期限，这与我在2003-05年间开展“2010年议程”(Agenda 2010)改革时德国的情况相似。当时如不改革《条约》，在政治上将无法通过削减预算来节省数十亿欧元，也无法实施艰难、充满争议的劳动力市场和社会保障改革。

Today, many European countries, especially France, face similar challenges to the ones Germany did a decade ago. Structural reforms are necessary because of excessive debt, as well as demographic developments and international competition.

目前，许多欧洲国家（尤其是法国）面对着与德国10年前相似的挑战。债务负担过重、人口变化和国际竞争，无不凸显出结构性改革的必要。

Staying ahead in competitiveness on a worldwide scale must be the priority for France and for Europe. From our experience with Agenda 2010, we learnt that it takes a few years for the effects to work through to producing visible success. I am confident that our friends in Paris will act accordingly.

在国际范围内维持竞争优势必须成为法国和欧洲的当务之急。从我们在“2010年议程”中的经验来看，改革奏效直至取得明显成功需要数年时间。我相信巴黎的同仁们将采取相应行动。

The writer was chancellor of Germany between 1998 and 2005. This is an abridged version of a speech to be given to the OMFIF-GBF on June 6.

格哈德•施罗德在1998至2005年间担任德国总理，本文节选自6月6日货币金融机构官方论坛-德英论坛(OMFIF-GBF)上的演讲稿。