法德必须重修双边关系

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法德必须重修双边关系

天之聪教育 2013-05-10 天之聪教育 560次

法德必须重修双边关系

France and Germany must repair their relationship

        The relationship between France and Germany is going through a severe crisis. The countries are at loggerheads over the best way out of the eurozone crisis, they are viciously critical of each others’ policies, and relations between the Elysée Palace and the chancellery in Berlin are increasingly strained.

        法国和德国的关系正处于严重的危机之中。对于如何才能最好地走出欧元区危机，两国存在很大分歧，它们彼此强烈批评对方的政策。爱丽舍宫和柏林总理府的关系越来越紧张。

        Will either country benefit from this situation? No. Will the rest of Europe benefit from it? No. Optimistic observers will say that difficult phases have always been a feature of Franco-German relations. More realistic onlookers will argue that neither side can afford to see those tensions last. The leaders of both countries must find a solution, and fast. Otherwise, Europe may be weakened for decades to come, which will prove a problem for the rest of the world, especially the US.

        两国能否从这种局面中受益？不能。欧洲其他国家能否从中受益？不能。乐观的观察家会说，法德关系一直在荆棘中行进着。更加现实的观察者会认为，如果这种紧张关系持续下去，两国都无法承受。两国的领导人必须快速找到一种解决方式，否则未来几十年欧洲可能被削弱，而这又将给世界其他地区带来问题，特别是美国。

        To solve the problem, France and Germany must honestly identify the issues. How did we end up here? First, there are national reasons: Germany under Gerhard Schröder, chancellor from 1998 to 2005, took steps to boost its productivity. This split Mr Schroeder’s Social Democratic party and cost him his job – but it boosted his country’s economic fortunes. Where France reformed, it did so tentatively. It is high time Paris understood that the world is an opportunity for its talents, its creativity, its wealth and its jobs – but that to get there it will need to make difficult changes.

        为了解决这个问题，法国和德国必须诚实地找到和确认双方存在分歧的问题。导致目前局面的原因是什么？首先，有国家方面的原因：1998年到2005年，前总理格哈德•施罗德(Gerhard Schröder)领导下的德国采取了一些旨在提升德国生产力的措施。这导致了施罗德的社会民主党(Social Democratic party)的分裂，也促使他最终下台。但这增加了德国的经济财富。而法国在改革的时候却是尝试性的。法国早就应该意识到，对于本国的人才、创新力、财富和就业来说，整个世界就是一个机会，但为了利用这个机会，需要进行一些艰难的变革。

        Second, there are European reasons. The economic crisis has triggered a debate on austerity across the continent, which is now turning into a brutal confrontation with a lot more posturing than problem-solving. Nobody should dispute the necessity of getting rid of the huge public debts within the eurozone. What is at stake is the sovereignty of states. Nevertheless, there should be room for discussion about two related issues – the schedule of debt reduction and the measures in the fields of innovation, education and research that might improve long-term growth in Europe.

        第二，还有欧洲的原因。经济危机在整个欧洲引发了关于紧缩措施的争辩，而现在这正在转变为一种残酷的对峙，摆姿态要远远多于解决问题。欧元区需要摆脱巨额的公共债务，这点应该没有人怀疑。处于危险之中的是各国的主权。然而，有两个相关的问题值得讨论，即降低债务的日程以及创新、教育、研究等领域可能促进欧洲长期增长的措施。

          The third reason is global. The rise of China and other fast-growth economies is forcing European countries to wake up to the need to change their economic policies. This is the moment. The European project cannot move forward without a political vision. It cannot be just a set of absurd, incoherent decisions made by technocrats that does not make sense to voters. Their Europe has become a cold and distant monster which does not understand their struggles nor solve them. They are turning against it as never before.

        第三个原因是全球性的。中国以及其他快速增长经济体的崛起正在迫使欧洲国家意识到需要改变其经济政策。而现在也是时候了。没有一种政治远见，欧洲一体化是无法取得进展的。仅有技术官僚制定的一系列荒唐、不连贯、不能得到选民认同的决定是不行的。他们的欧洲已经成为一个冷酷而疏远的怪兽，不理解他们的挣扎，也无法解决问题，因而选民开始前所未有地背离它。

        The French and the Germans have a duty to shape a new European vision. Precisely because we are different, precisely because our histories and our cultures are sometimes so antagonistic, only we have the size and credibility to outline a new European compromise.

        法国和德国有责任去塑造一个新的欧洲愿景。正是因为法德两国是不同的，正是因为我们的历史和文化有时候是如此地冲突，所以只有我们才有这样的规模和可信度去拟定一个新的欧洲妥协方案。

        To start these talks on a firm footing and to give France the credibility to lead other nations into similar reforms, the country needs to embrace an economic revolution and improve competitiveness, reduce public spending, reform unemployment benefits, merge retirement schemes into a fair and transparent regime and simplify its labour law. We can no longer wait. Dramatic changes are now needed.

        为了让这些对话建立在牢固的基础上，为了赋予法国引领其他国家开展类似改革的公信度，这个国家需要引入经济变革、提升竞争力、降低公共支出、改革失业救济、将退休计划纳入一个公平透明的机制中并简化劳动法。我们不能再等待了。现在需要大刀阔斧的变革。

        By opting for an economic revolution, France will win in three ways: it will reduce unemployment – the open sore on our nation; it will balance public deficits and strengthen its sovereignty; and it will become a credible partner again for Germany and other European countries.

        选择经济变革，法国将有“三赢”：降低失业率（法国众人皆知的伤痛）；平衡公共收支并强化主权；重新成为德国和其他欧洲国家可靠的伙伴。

        To achieve all this, I propose a programme of Franco-German diplomacy that takes us through until 2020. We need to debate the most sensitive aspects of our relationship. This means open, regular discussions at all levels of government – not yet more summits or ministerial councils. We need to talk now – before negotiations with the US on a transatlantic trade agreement – about converging fiscal and social policy, minimum wages, monetary policy, trade and reciprocal regulatory rules.

        为了实现所有这些目标，我提议一个一直持续到2020年的法德外交项目。我们需要就双边关系最敏感的方面进行探讨。这意味着政府各个层面开展公开、定期的讨论，不仅是更多的峰会和部长级会议。在与美国就跨大西洋贸易协定进行谈判之前，现在就需要就统一财政和社会政策、最低工资、货币政策、贸易以及相互监管规则开展讨论。

        Finally, this programme would not be solely dedicated to France and Germany but it would also aim to decide how Europe should move forward with the contribution of our partners, in particular the 17 eurozone members. No one doubts that the destinies of France and Germany are intimately intertwined. Methodical and thorough work will enable us to find the path to compromise and set new directions for a shaken Europe.

        最后，这一项目不仅限于法国和德国，其目的也在于明确欧洲应如何在各伙伴国的努力下前进，特别是17个欧元区成员国。没有人怀疑，法国和德国的命运息息相关。通过有序而彻底的努力，我们将找到妥协的方法，为动荡的欧洲重新设定方向。

        One national model should not be copied indiscriminately throughout Europe. Only the best aspects of each should prevail. The Franco-German relationship should once again become the source of ideas and compromises. Or else we run the risk of seeing extremism, rising protectionism and the re-emergence of national biases that we thought had been eradicated for good.

        整个欧洲不应该不加区分地照搬某一个国家的模式。只有将各国最好的做法结合起来才能成功。法德关系应该再次成为创意和妥协的来源。否则就可能会出现极端主义、不断增加的保护主义，甚至是我们以为已经永远消除了的国家偏见也会再次出现。

        What is at stake is simple and crucial: it is Europe’s ability to offer a better future for its people. Without a change in attitude in Berlin and Paris, Europe’s ability to provide this will decrease and with it, the continent’s international stature.

        紧要的问题简单而又关键：欧洲有能力为欧洲人民创造一个更好的未来。如果法德的态度不改变，欧洲的这种能力就会下降，欧洲的国际地位也将随之下降。