【导读】百万罗兴亚人无处容身……走向民主的缅甸应试图解决这一问题。对新生民主的考验并不仅仅在于它对多数民族的关照，而且在于它对少数民族的保护。
Ethnic cleansing in Myanmar
缅甸的种族清洗
No place like home
何处为家？
The Rohingyas need the help of the Burmese government, Aung San Suu Kyi and the outside world
罗兴亚人需要缅甸政府、昂山素姬和国际大家庭的帮助
THE political transformation in Myanmar this past year or more has so far seemed one of history’s more remarkable revolutions. It has seemed, indeed, to be a revolution without losers. The army, which brutalized the country for half a century, remains influential and unpunished. Political prisoners have been freed by the hundreds. The opposition and its heroine, Aung San Suu Kyi, have successfully entered mainstream politics. What had seemed a purely ornamental parliament is showing it has a function . Foreign countries that shunned the dictatorship, hemming it in with sanctions, can exploit Myanmar’s untapped market and treasure-house of natural resources.
一年稍多一点以来至今，缅甸的政治转变似乎是历史上非常令人瞩目的革命之一。而且这场革命似乎让人皆大欢喜。五十年来军队残暴统治着这个国家，但他们不但未因暴行而受惩罚，而且还保有很大的政治影响。数以百计的政治犯恢复了自由。反对派和他们的英雄昂山素姬成功地进入了主流政治。一个过去看上去不过是橡皮图章式的议会正在发挥其作用。过去为孤立独裁政府而对缅甸采取制裁手段的外国政府现在可以利用缅甸尚未开发的市场及其自然资源宝藏。
One group, however, has lost, and lost terribly. Around 1m members of the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority remain in Myanmar’s impoverished western state of Rakhine. They are survivors of relentless rounds of persecution that have created a diaspora around the world that is perhaps twice as big. As The Economist went to press, more than 100 boat people, mostly Rohingyas, were missing in the Bay of Bengal. They were fleeing hideous peril at home in Myanmar. Members of the ethnic-Rakhine majority, who are mostly Buddhist, have seen the greater liberties the country now enjoys as the freedom to resume persecution. Members of both ethnic groups are guilty of abuses in the violence that flared in June and again in October (see Banyan). But its main contours are clear: a vicious and bloody campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Rakhines that is intended to drive Rohingyas out. Rakhine politicians say frankly that the only alternative to mass deportation is a Burmese form of apartheid, in which more Rohingyas are corralled into squalid, semi-permanent internal-refugee camps. Most Rohingyas have lived in Myanmar for generations—at least since British colonial days. But Rakhines and other Burmese citizens see them all as fairly recent illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
但有一族人不但受到了损失，而且损失惨重。罗兴亚少数民族人士（绝大多数为穆斯林）原来在各地散居，过去人口或许为200万左右，但在一轮又一轮残酷迫害后，现在只剩大约100万人，逗留在缅甸西部贫穷的若开（Rakhine）邦。就在本期《经济学人》即将付印之际，100多名船民（其中大多数为罗兴亚人）在孟加拉湾（Bay of Bengal）失踪。他们因原住地的缅甸当局对其骇人听闻的压迫而逃亡。占多数的若开族成员大多信奉佛教，他们把这个国家现在享有的更大自由视为恢复对罗兴亚人迫害的许可证。这两个民族都有人在先后于今年6月与10月爆发的暴力事件（见另文）中犯有虐待罪，但事件的主要轮廓是清楚的：这是若开人的一次罪恶而又血腥的民族清洗运动，目的在于驱逐罗兴亚人。若开族政客公开承认，若不大规模驱逐罗兴亚人，他们就只能选择缅甸式的种族隔离政策，即将更多的罗兴亚人圈禁在肮脏的半永久性国内难民营中。大多数罗兴亚人几代以来就生活在缅甸，其年代至少可追溯到英国殖民时代。但若开人与其他缅甸公民仍旧认为他们全都是不很久以前来自孟加拉国的非法移民。
Dozens have died, thousands of homes have been destroyed and tens of thousands of people have been displaced. This must stop, not just because it is a cruel injustice but also because it threatens reforms and even the future of Myanmar itself. The violence offers an excuse to those hardliners who have always equated democracy with anarchy, fearing that, without the army’s firm hand, Myanmar’s borderlands, all inhabited by disgruntled ethnic minorities, would descend into bloodletting.
迄今已有数十名罗兴亚人丧生，数以千计的房屋被破坏，数以万计的人民背井离乡。必须阻止这种暴行，这不仅因为它本身就是残酷的非正义行为，而且因为这会威胁缅甸的改革、甚至缅甸自身的前途。缅甸死硬派把民主与无政府状态混为一谈；他们担心在没有军队铁腕介入的情况下，全由心怀不满的少数民族集居的缅甸边境地区会沦为杀戮地带。上述暴力事件为他们的论调找到了依据。
In fact, for once, the army really does need to be firmer—but in stopping violence, detaining perpetrators, and helping Rohingyas survive the unofficial commercial boycott that is leaving many hungry and thirsty. Parliament and the government, for their part, need to revise the Citizenship Act of 1982, which has been used as the tool to render most Rohingyas stateless. Rohingyas with a good claim to citizenship should have it. And their claims should be examined generously: it is not easy to prove your lineage when everything you have has been reduced to ashes.
事实上，这一次确实应该由军队采取强硬手段，但是应该用来制止暴力、捕捉行凶者与帮助罗兴亚人，让他们得以在非正式的经济抵制下生存——这一抵制已导致许多人忍饥受渴。议会与政府方面需要修订1982年的公民法，该法被人利用，是令大多数罗兴亚人没有国籍的原因。应该给予有正当理由获得国籍的罗兴亚人以国籍。应该以宽容的态度审查他们的国籍申请：如果他们拥有的一切都在暴力事件中被付诸一炬，要证明其出身来历是很不容易的。
Responsibility to protect 保护之责
Citizenship is not enough, however. Leaders need to speak out in the Rohingyas’ defence. The one person in Myanmar with genuine moral authority, Miss Suu Kyi, has confined herself to calling for respect for the rule of law. When the law is unjust and unfairly applied—as it long was against her—that is a betrayal of the high moral principles she has always espoused.
然而单单是国籍还不够。领袖们需要公开为罗兴亚人辩护。缅甸唯一具有真正道德权威的人——昂山素姬——拘泥于呼吁尊重法治。当法律被人不公正、不正当地使用时，尊重这样的法治就是对她一直支持的更高道德原则的背叛。昂山素姬本人就曾受到过法律的这种待遇。
Elsewhere, Bangladesh must accommodate fleeing Rohingyas. The West has tended to regard the Rohingyas’ plight as a peripheral problem that should not deflect it from lifting sanctions and engaging with the new Myanmar. Yet it should make clear that ethnic cleansing on this scale is central to its concerns. The test of a fledgling democracy is not just how it cares for the majority, but how it protects its minorities.
除缅甸外，孟加拉国必须为逃亡的罗兴亚人提供衣食住处。西方世界曾倾向于认为罗兴亚人的处境不过是次要问题，不应影响他们取消对缅甸的制裁和与新缅甸来往。但应该阐述清楚的是，这种规模的种族清洗是西方世界关注的核心。对新生民主的考验并不仅仅在于它对多数民族的关照，而且在于它对少数民族的保护。
经济学家
2012-11-05
经济学家
368次
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