朴槿惠：实现东北亚大和解
A Plan for Peace in North Asia
The world is watching Asia with increasing alarm. This region today is marked by pronounced tensions: North Korea's self-declaration as a nuclear weapon state, the rise of historical and territorial tensions and accelerated military competition. All this could have negative economic consequences.
世界正越来越警惕地看着亚洲。这一地区如今存在着相当明显的紧张局势：朝鲜自称是核武国家；历史和领土争端引发的紧张关系愈演愈烈；军事竞争加剧。所有这些都可能会给经济带来负面影响。
At the same time, Asia increasingly lies at the heart of the global economy. Hence, the international community is apprehensive that a rising Asia long associated with rapid growth and more open cooperation is morphing into a clashing Asia. Such a bifurcated Asia, or what I refer to as 'Asia's paradox,' is the single most important obstacle that has to be overcome by the region's leaders.
与此同时，在全球经济版图上，亚洲也越来越处于核心位置。因此国际社会担心，一个不断崛起、经济长期快速增长和展开更开放合作的亚洲正蜕变为一个冲突不断的亚洲。这样一个充满矛盾的亚洲，或我所说的“亚洲悖论”，是该地区领导人必须解决的最重要单一障碍。
Specifically, if tensions in Northeast Asia remain unresolved, not only will decades of partnerships unravel, we cannot rule out unintended clashes. Preventing such a turn of events and removing Asia's many obstacles to cooperation requires the undivided attention of Asia's leaders. Such efforts are essential if Northeast Asia is to embark on a path of reconciliation, not to mention building a more sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula.
具体来讲，如果东北亚的紧张局势得不到化解，那么不仅几十年的伙伴关系将不复存在，而且也无法排除发生意外冲突的可能。防止出现这种事态变化、消除阻挠合作的诸多障碍需要亚洲领导人矢志不渝的努力。这些努力对于东北亚能否走上和解之路来说至关重要，而对在朝鲜半岛上建立更可持续的和平的意义就更不用说了。
That's why I proposed a 'Northeast Asian Peace and Cooperation Initiative' geared specifically to addressing our region's many quandaries. I believe that Northeast Asia can successfully implement measures that build political and military confidence, intensify economic cooperation, and attain mutually beneficial human security dividends.
这也是我提出“东北亚和平与合作倡议”的原因。倡议的宗旨就是解决我们亚洲地区的诸多难题。我认为，东北亚可成功实施那些建立政治和军事互信、加强经济合作、实现互惠互利的人类安全的举措。
Although Asia's and Europe's historical trajectories and security environments are different, we are reminded of Europe's Helsinki Process in the midst of the Cold War that fostered the making of a common, integrated Europe. Likewise, military tensions in Asia should be further ameliorated through preventative diplomacy and tangible multilateral security cooperation.
虽然亚洲和欧洲在历史轨迹和安全环境方面存在差异，但我们不要忘了欧洲是在冷战期间达成了赫尔辛基进程(Helsinki Process)。在该进程的影响下，一个共同、一体化的欧洲逐渐形成。同样，亚洲的军事紧张关系应通过预防性外交和切实的多边安全合作得到进一步缓解。
So how can we trigger a similar path for Northeast Asia? I believe there are three critical missing links: bold and new thinking on the part of all of the region's stakeholders, fostering an unprecedented 'grand reconciliation' between Korea, China, and Japan, and a correct understanding of history.
我们如何才能为东北亚开启一条类似途径呢？我认为现在缺三个关键环节：该地区所有利益相关方需进行大胆、新的思考、中日韩三国之间应实现前所未有的“大和解”以及对历史的正确理解。
If these three missing pieces are put together, they can leave behind the legacies of deeply embedded mistrust and perennial conflicts. Such a move is even more crucial because relations have seldom been as tense since the normalization of bilateral ties.
如果把这三个缺失的环节拼接在一起，他们就可以摆脱根深蒂固的不信任和持续冲突。自从中日韩三国的双边关系正常化以来，局势很少像眼下这么紧张过，因而此举就更加重要。
So first, perhaps the most important ingredient in beginning genuine reconciliation is the need for a correct understanding of history among Northeast Asian countries. Postwar Europe's journey toward integration was possible due to a new window of cooperation based on a 'grand reconciliation' among Germany, France and the U.K. We also remember West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's landmark 1970 visit to the monument commemorating the Warsaw Ghetto uprising of 1943. That was when Europe's journey toward reconciliation really began.
因此首先，展开真正和解最重要的因素或许是应正确理解东北亚国家的历史。欧洲之所以能在战后迈向一体化，就是因为德国、法国和英国通过“大和解”开启了新的合作之窗。此外，我们还记得1970年西德前总理勃兰特(Willy Brandt) 访问了1943年华沙犹太区起义纪念碑，这是一起具有里程碑式意义的事件。从那时开始，欧洲才真正踏上和解之路。
In the same vein, Northeast Asia also requires corresponding steps from the region's main historical and wartime transgressor. The lingering pain of Asia's victims, including Korea's and other countries' so-called comfort women, as well as outstanding historical legacies must be fundamentally addressed. Only then will Japan be welcomed as a respectable and leading Asian country. And if Northeast Asia is to skillfully overcome its historical legacies while contributing to global norms, it has to champion open nationalism that enhances the spirit of community-building while safeguarding universal values and democratic governance.
同样，东北亚也需要该地区主要的历史和战争罪人做出相应的举动。包括韩国等国家的“慰安妇”在内，亚洲的受害者承受着挥之不去的伤痛，再加上未决的历史遗留问题，这些都必须从根本上加以解决。只有那样日本才会作为一个值得尊敬的亚洲大国而受到欢迎。如果东北亚要巧妙解决历史遗留问题，而且还要对全球规则有所贡献，那就必须支持可增强社区建设精神的开放民族主义，同时维护普世价值观，确保进行民主治理。
A Northeast Asia that earnestly overcomes historical barriers can accentuate genuine trilateral cooperation among Korea, China and Japan. New synergies are possible by merging the region's capital, technology, manpower, and innovations. In turn, such efforts can make contributions to resolving key regional and global problems.
一个认真克服历史障碍的东北亚能够突出韩国、中国和日本之间真正的三边合作。通过将该地区的资金、技术、人力和创新结合在一起，有望产生新的协同效应。相应的，这样的努力能够为解决地区和全球重要问题做出贡献。
Moreover, a Northeast Asia that pays greater attention to global issues such as climate change, terrorism, nuclear proliferation and safety, and global governance, will enhance the region's trust in the eyes of the world. Green Climate Fund's decision to establish its headquarters at Songdo, Incheon is testament to the makings of a more responsible Northeast Asia.
此外，一个更加关注气候变化、恐怖主义、核扩散及核安全和全球治理等全球问题的东北亚将获得世界的更大信任。绿色气候基金(Green Climate Fund)决定将总部设在仁川松都，这一决定是构建一个更负责任的东北亚的证明。
Next, Asia's recent troubles have raised questions about the United States' role. Washington's sustained presence in East Asia was, and remains, a crucial factor contributing to regional peace and prosperity. Likewise, ensuring that the region can transition from tensions and collisions to a more cooperative union requires a forward-looking U.S.-China relationship.
其次，亚洲最近出现的各种问题令人对美国的角色提出了疑问。美国在东亚的持续驻军过去曾是、未来仍将是有助于地区和平及繁荣的重要因素。同样的，要确保该地区能够消除紧张、冲突的局面，而转变为一个更加合作的联盟，这需要一种高瞻远瞩的中美关系。
I do not believe that a rising China and America's pivot to Asia are mutually exclusive. Rather, more transparent actions will serve as building blocks for a more secure and prosperous Northeast Asia. Both Korea and Japan maintain critical alliances with the United States while simultaneously sustaining closer cooperative partnerships with China. Our ties with these two powers are not premised on choosing one over the other.
我认为，中国的崛起和美国将战略重心转向亚洲并不是相互排斥的。相反，更加透明的行动将成为建立一个更加安全、繁荣的东北亚的一部分。韩国和日本都保持着与美国的重要同盟关系，同时也与中国保持着更密切的合作伙伴关系。我们与这两个大国的关系并不是以非此即彼为前提的。
Finally, the remaining critical ingredient in overcoming Northeast Asia's animosities lies in mitigating mistrust and confrontation and building a more enduring peace on the Korean Peninsula. Resolving North Korea's nuclear problem is essential for a peaceful Northeast Asia. So too are our efforts in convincing the North Korean leadership to make strategic choices that will ensure denuclearization, enhance the livelihood of its citizens, and promote economic development.
最后，消除东北亚地区仇恨心理的最后一个重要元素是要消除不信任和对抗，在朝鲜半岛实现更持久的和平。解决朝鲜核问题对构建一个和平的东北亚至关重要。我们要努力说服朝鲜领导层做出明智的战略选择，这一点也很重要。他们的选择将确保朝鲜无核化，改善朝鲜民众的民生，促进经济发展。
I am confident that a cooperative U.S.-China relationship, enhanced trilateral cooperation among Korea, China and Japan, not to mention Korea's ties with all of the regional powers, can serve as catalysts for a new trust between North Korea and the world. Even as South Korea maintains a steadfast posture with credible deterrence capabilities, Seoul should take the lead in normalizing South-North relations so that it can steer Pyongyang toward becoming a responsible member of the international community.
我相信，合作性的中美关系，中、日、韩加强三边合作，以及韩国加强与各地区大国的联系，这些都能够增强朝鲜与世界之间的互信。在韩国凭借可靠的威慑力量保持坚定姿态的同时，首尔应该牵头朝韩关系正常化的过程，这样就能够促使平壤朝着成为国际社会负责任的一分子迈进。
Together with our neighbors, we have to jointly shape an environment that allows North Korea to move forward. The new leader in Pyongyang, who has been exposed to the outside world, should adopt new alternatives consistent with prevailing international trends.
我们必须与邻国一道携手打造一个使朝鲜可以进步的环境。平壤新的领导人接触过外部世界，他应该采取与国际大趋势一致的新举措。
Recently, Burma's encouraging steps toward economic and political reforms were possible because its leadership made the right choices: joining the family of nations and bolstering regional stability. North Korea can likewise partake in helping develop a new bridge of trust across the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. Should it choose otherwise, it can only result in untold consequences.
最近，缅甸朝着经济政治改革迈出了令人鼓舞的步伐，此事的促成原因是该国领导层做出了正确的选择：与各国一起促进地区稳定。朝鲜也能够参与构建一座跨越朝鲜半岛和东北亚的新的信任之桥。如若不然，朝鲜将只能面临难以估量的严重后果。
If North Korea makes the right choices, the world's remaining Cold War frontier cannot but change. For this is surely the main pathway in overcoming Asia's paradox, the making of a new Northeast Asia, and the beckoning of an Asian Century. This is my vision for Korea and Northeast Asia.
如果朝鲜做出正确的选择，世界剩下的冷战地区将不得不改变。这无疑是解决亚洲困局、构建一个新的东北亚和迎接一个亚洲世纪的主要道路。这就是我对韩国和东北亚地区的愿景。
WSJ
2012-12-20
WSJ
437次
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